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were brought forward by the Government, or such a.s implied
some censure on the Government. Thurlow, the Attorney

General, was among the assailants. Wedderburne, the Solicitor “

General, strongly attached to Clive, defended his friend with
extraordinary force of argument and language. It is a curious
circumstance that, some years later, Thurlow was the most
conspicuous champion of VVarren Hastings, while Wedderburne
was among the most unrelenting persecutors of that great
though not faultless statesman. Clive spoke in his own defence
at less length and with less art than in the preceding year, but
with much energy and pathos. He recounted his great actions
and his wrongs; and, after bidding his hearers remember, that
they were about to decide not only on his honour but on their
own, he retired from the House.

The Commons resolved that acquisitions made by the arms
of the State belong to the State alone, and that it is illegal in
the servants of the State to appropriate such acquisitions to
themselves. They resolved that this wholesome rule appeared
to have been systematically violated by the English function-
aries in Bengal. On a subsequent day they went a step
farther, and resolved that Clive had, by means of the power
which he possessed as commander of the British forces in
India, obtained large sums from Meer J aflier. Here the
Commons stopped. They had voted the major and minor of
Burgoyne’s syllogism; but they shrank from drawing the logical
conclusion. When it was moved that Lord Clive had abused
his powers, and set an evil example to the servants of the
public, the previous question was put and carried. At length,
long after the sun had risen on an animated debate, W'edder-
burne moved that Lord Clive had at the same time rendered
great and meritorious services to his country; and this motion
passed without a division.

The result of this memorable inquiry appears to us, on the
whole, honourable to the justice, moderation, and discernment

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